Showing posts with label taiwan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label taiwan. Show all posts

Chiang Kai-Shek: China's Generalissimo and the Nation He Lost Review

Chiang Kai-Shek: China's Generalissimo and the Nation He Lost
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Chiang Kai-Shek: China's Generalissimo and the Nation He Lost ReviewI have been waiting for this book for a long time. Not particularly this book, but any modern updated biography of Chiang Kai Shek. In recent years we have gotten updated biographies of Mao and Ho Chi Minh and now finally Chiang Kai-Shek.
First and foremost, this is a well written, well researched book. It is easy to read and never boring. So on that sense it is a good biography. The book also has some great pictures and good maps at the beginning of the book.
The book does a terrific job showing the politics going on in China between 1911 and 1945. The books strongest points about Chiang Kai-Shek are on his battles against the warlords and desires to eliminate the communists. I also felt the book did a great job discussing his wife, and her famous family the Soongs.
That being said, I felt the book was weak in its overall assessment of Chiang Kai-Shek. I got the impression that the author really did not want to make any strong judgements about Chiang Kai Shek. He does not hold back any facts, but just does not make strong judgements. However, the author is highly critical of Sun Yatsen, and General Stillwell. Two great men in history, this author is not afraid to judge, but Chiang Kai Shek he does not.
Sun Yatsen was a great leader and had such a vision for China, but Fenby is highly critical of him. Stillwell was exactly right on how Chiang Kai-Shek would lose China and was dead on in his assessment of KMT corruption. Instead, Fenby is critical of Stillwell. For a better look at Stillwell look at the Recent book on the Burma Road.
Also, I was surprized at how rushed the author gets at the end on the ultimate Communist victory. Fenby is great in discussing the Marshall visit and attempt to broker a peace, but his description of the Nationalist collapse and retreat to Taiwan was rushed in my opinion. Also, there is little to no information about Chiang Kai Shek on Taiwan.
But I am being picky. I enjoyed this book very much and am glad Fenby wrote it. Had Chiang Kai Shek been a better leader the history of Asia and the world would be very different.Chiang Kai-Shek: China's Generalissimo and the Nation He Lost Overview

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The Last Empress: Madame Chiang Kai-shek and the Birth of Modern China Review

The Last Empress: Madame Chiang Kai-shek and the Birth of Modern China
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The Last Empress: Madame Chiang Kai-shek and the Birth of Modern China ReviewMadame Chiang Kai-shek was, as journalists like to say, a good story. It is a story of wartime travails, of high-stakes political gambling, of an epic fight-to-the-finish between authoritarian Nationalists and radical Communists. It's also a story of a tempestuous partnership between an ascetic military man and his glamorous, winsome, shrewd and luxury-loving wife. He needed her connections to American money. She needed his access to power. Time magazine named them "Man and Woman of the Year" for 1937, essentially colluding in their myth-making. Together, they led China, and then lost it.
Madame Chiang dazzled Franklin Roosevelt, bedded Wendell Wilkie, backstabbed Gen. Joseph Stilwell and, for a time, enthralled the greater American public. Dynamic, vain, literary and ambitious -- she's a great subject for a long biography.
This is a beautifully designed book, with an inviting cover and an excellent array of photographs inside. Unfortunately, what lies between the covers is not as magical. The writing is OK, but Pakula often seems tone-deaf to the subtleties of Chinese culture and history. Then again, Madame Chiang's story is so engrossing that, for those who like an old-fashioned approach, this long-form rendering is still pretty absorbing. Madame Chiang's life spanned the entire 20th century, and she lived through a period of considerable upheaval, intersecting with quite a cast of characters.
Born in the last years of the 19th century, May-ling Soong was the youngest of three sisters whose father, Charlie, a Christian who made millions printing Bibles, bucked Chinese tradition by raising his daughters to be independent, savvy and ambitious. The eldest became one of China's richest women. The second married Sun Yat-sen, China's first president, and then cast her lot with Mao and the Communists. May-ling went to the U.S. for schooling at age 10, first in Georgia and then at Wellesley. When she returned to Shanghai, she said: "the only thing Oriental about me is my face." Before long, however, she took to wearing elegant, body-hugging Chinese gowns on her slender figure. She drew many suitors, but none had quite the promise of young Chiang Kai-shek, a general who believed himself destined to lead China into a modern era. Chiang had to divorce one wife, pack off a second to graduate school in New York and promise to convert to Christianity before May-ling's mother would approve the match.
"In seeking out a wife with money and power behind her, Chiang had found a woman with ideas and energy as well," writes Pakula. May-ling had more than ideas and energy. She soon became a poised partner who could soften his imperiousness, write his speeches and eventually become his best diplomat and public relations agent. When Chiang joined Roosevelt and Churchill for a summit in Cairo, his wife simultaneously translated and refashioned his remarks.
Her finest hour came in 1943, when she went to the U.S. to appeal for support in the war against Japan. With a Georgia lilt in her fluent English, and impassioned speeches about an ancient culture transforming into a democracy, Madame Chiang charmed Washington and Congress. By the time she was done touring the country, she had secured political support for billions in aid. How much of it ended up in the pockets of the Chiangs and Soongs is an enduring mystery. Pakula made considerable efforts to find a paper trail, with limited success.
Madame Chiang suffered mysterious illnesses, and took lengthy stays in U.S. hospitals, with long separations from her husband. Their relationship was complex. There are signs of tenderness in surviving letters and telegrams, as well as eyewitness accounts of vicious arguments. Pakula airs some intriguing anecdotes. One has May-ling confiding to a friend that she and Chiang were never intimate, because he wanted no more children. Another suggests that he had been rendered infertile from venereal disease, and never told her. She did have a passionate affair with Wilkie, Roosevelt's ex-rival for president. But she remained childless.
Eventually, Mao and the Communists defeated Chiang, chasing him to the island of Taiwan. The Chiangs vowed to retake China, but hope faded as the U.S. moved onto other wars in Korea and Vietnam. After Chiang died in 1975, Madame moved to New York, living until 2003. She was 105 years old. Or maybe 106. (She consistently hid her true age.)
Pakula has an annoying habit of abandoning judgment when she encounters conflicting evidence, resorting to phrases like "some say . . ." or "whatever the truth or falseness of these stories. . . ." From a historian who evidently spent 10 years with her material, we deserve more.
Madame Chiang trailblazed the role of first lady in China, and surpassed it. Her advocacy for the Nationalist cause was doomed, but she certainly cut a deep path on the consciousness of modern China.
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Rising Star: China's New Security Diplomacy Review

Rising Star: China's New Security Diplomacy
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Rising Star: China's New Security Diplomacy ReviewDirector of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute and Freeman Chair in China Studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, Bates Gill offers in Rising Star a refreshing and certainly less alarming assessment of the spectacular "rise" of China than the one painted by the security intelligentsia in recent years. In other words, his position on the "rise" of China is that it is, or can be, more peaceful.
Gill's principal argument, that a clash at some point in future involving the US and China is not inevitable, rests on three pillars that he argues are guiding Beijing as it expands its power: alleviating external tensions so that it can focus on domestic problems; reassuring neighbors about its peaceful intentions; and finding ways to quietly balance the US. Gill contends that the key to a successful rise - one that avoids war - lies in the US and its allies understanding and judiciously responding to China's new security diplomacy.
While China's "rise" has been long in the making, Gill argues that the strategic reorientation of the US following the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks has created an opportunity for China to flex its muscles diplomatically. On issues that are linked to the "war" on terror, the US has been receptive to - and has in fact encouraged - a bigger role for China. Nonproliferation is one area where Gill sees China as having made progress, mostly through its participation in or dialogue with nonproliferation regimes such as the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, the Missile Technology Control Regime, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, the Australia Group and the Wassenaar Arrangement. He points out, however, that at present the Chinese government is unable to adequately deal with proliferation in the private sector, an onerous task under normal circumstances and a gargantuan one given China's incomplete laws, the size of its territory, rampant corruption and longstanding trade and military alliances with states like Pakistan and Iran.
Another dynamic that is shaping China's security diplomacy is its opposition to US hegemony, which has compelled Beijing to shed its historical aversion to alliances and treaties. In its immediate area, China has spearheaded the creation of a number of regional organizations, including the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), the Shanghai Five and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). It was no coincidence that the latter was launched to coincide with NATO expansion in the mid-1990s.
Beyond regional trade agreements, conflict resolution mechanisms, counterterrorism and joint military exercises, the Shanghai Five, ARF and SCO have provided China with a greater say in Central and Southeast Asia and the acknowledgement by participants that "every state has the right to choose its own political system, economic model and path of social development," with special focus on territorial integrity. What these security arrangements have in common, furthermore, is the tendency to exclude or counterbalance the US, and the premise that other states or alliances should not meddle in the international affairs of another state. Gill observes that China's provision of military equipment to those allies, which has often resulted in criticism by the West, has a precedent in how the US conducts diplomacy and should therefore be recognized as such.
China's alliances are also the result of its fear of states ganging up on it - especially in its immediate region, more specifically the Korean Peninsula and the Taiwan Strait. While recognizing that the presence of the US military in the Asia-Pacific has been beneficial to China, in that it prevented the reemergence of an expeditionary Japanese military, and despite the fact that in recent years Beijing has, in certain respects, come to accept the reality of that presence, it nevertheless retains an existential (perhaps not altogether unjustified) fear of encirclement. This, Gill contends, explains its active participation in the North Korea disarmament talks, where failure could spark rearmament in Japan and perhaps military action against Pyongyang, which in either case would result in a large concentration of foreign military forces in its vicinity and the possibility, should war break out, that tens of thousands of North Koreans would seek refuge in China and threaten its domestic stability.
As with its newfound enthusiasm for regional alliances, the modernization of China's military, Gill argues, could primarily be a reaction to its perception of being surrounded, which in part stems from the introduction of US missile defense systems in Japan and Taiwan. The stockpiling and refinement of China's conventional missile arsenal - including the 1,300 it is aiming at Taiwan - is largely, albeit not solely, a response to its perception that the US and its allies are seeking to deny China its deterrent capability. The nexus of pro-US regional alliances and missile defense also helps explain why China and Russia, which both feel threatened by encroachment, have in recent years not only resolved longstanding territorial disputes but have become allies.
In all, Gill's book shows us that in certain, if not most, areas China can be a pragmatic player that will act as a responsible stakeholder. Its increasing participation in peacekeeping missions, even if at times nothing more than a means to improve its image abroad, is also a positive development in terms of its desire for multilateralism. Through well-calibrated diplomacy and better attention to its interests, Gill argues that China can be goaded in the right direction on issues that so far have not led to success, such as in its relations with "rogue states" like Sudan and Iran.
On a more pessimistic note, Gill shows us that Beijing has retained its tendency to use compliance with international norms as a bargaining chip, which represents a failure to see treaties and multilateralism as a common good and could cast doubt on its contention that it is rising "peacefully." Another worrying area - one that Gill leaves largely unexplored - is Beijing's inclination to act irrationally whenever domestic issues or Taiwan are concerned.
While Rising Star convincingly argues that China has made tremendous progress on the international front, all those developments could quickly be undermined should its domestic situation - perennially the main concern of decision-makers in Beijing, around which everything else, including foreign policy, revolves - deteriorate. Only then, perhaps, would the world see China's other, dreaded "rise."
(Originally published in the Taipei Times, March 30, 2008, page 19.)Rising Star: China's New Security Diplomacy Overview

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The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern China (Belknap Press) Review

The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern China (Belknap Press)
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The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern China (Belknap Press) ReviewI have come upon Jay Taylor's engaging writing only recently when I read his fascinating overview of the world's two most populous nations, China and India in his book "The Dragon and The Wild Goose". The refreshingly unbiased viewpoint of this veteran Foreign Service Officer presents instead of thinly disguised extrapolations of his own canny wisdom and insights, rather a keenly observed journalist's overview of the realities of these complex societies with an objectivity that is both pragmatic and prophetic. When I heard of Taylor's recently released historical overview of Ghiang Kai-shek in the "The Generalissimo", I put it on a must read list, and found it another gem of his factually based analysis(he was given complete access to Chiang's personal journals, as well as many others involved in his epic story). Whoever believes they know, or would like to know, how China arrived at its present, dynamic role on the world stage, you have to read "The Generalissimo" to fully grasp the internecine struggles that engulfed China before, during, and after World War Two. Chiang lost the battle on the mainland to Mao Zedong, retreating to the small island of Taiwan where he continued his struggles to somehow bring a modern, coherent and unified China about. This has not happened in the sense of Taiwan and the mainland politically joined, but Chiang and his sons created a miraclous transformation of a small island into one of modern history's most successful democratic nations, and it seems evident now that the mainland regime rightly would like to emmulate this marvel.
Chiang's long, tumultuous career involved nearly all the major political personalties of the twentieth century - including his own beautiful and beguilling, western educated wife, Madame Chiang. Taylor deftly sketches the many significant players passing across Chiang's stage like Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Roosevelt, Churchill, Stalin, Truman, Generals Stilwell and Marshall, and even Wendell Wilkie who conceivably had a one night tryst with Madame Chiang. And best of all, you travel this remarkable journey in the presence of a reader's most treasured companion, a keenly observing narrator who is questioning but equitable, and objectively sympathetic with a world-wise humor. This is a great read of a wonderous story.William Krause Princeton, NJThe Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern China (Belknap Press) Overview

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Notes from the Other China - Adventures in Asia Review

Notes from the Other China - Adventures in Asia
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Notes from the Other China - Adventures in Asia ReviewThis book is a nicely crafted combination of impressions and experiences, spread across a backdrop of historical facts. I'd have to agree with John Ross. Reading it felt like casually chatting with a friend in a pub - an old friend who's been abroad for the last decade, and is brimming with intriguing anecdotes and observations on living in a (very) foreign culture. As you take up the book, you immediately feel comfortable with the writer, while at the same time being tickled by a constant parade of surprises.
Parfitt deftly manages to portray the often frustrating, often fascinating, often humorous encounters and struggles of a Westerner living in the Far East. He has a knack for rendering bizarre dialogues and characters (sometimes locals, sometimes other Westerners) that brings them to life in a way befitting a comic novelist.
Throughout, the book is peppered with frequent (and frequently hilarious) quips and one-liners as Parfitt suffers the slings and arrows of living in an alien culture and survives to carry on and chronicle another day. It's written in a breezy style that will have the reader flipping the pages, wanting to lap up more.
If you're a long-term expat, you'll immediately recognize some of the difficulties and dilemmas and chuckle along with the author. If you're a Westerner considering spending time in Asia, this book will provide an entertaining introduction from ground zero. And if you're just curious about life in distant lands, here's a window through which to enter them.
An amusing account of one individual's struggle to come to terms with life in a foreign cultural environment - and, most importantly, a good read. Sit back with some prawn crackers and a cup of rice wine and enjoy.
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China: Fragile Superpower: How China's Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise Review

China: Fragile Superpower: How China's Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise
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China: Fragile Superpower: How China's Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise ReviewSusan Shirk gives her readers some useful tools to better assess the future behavior of a fast-resurging China after being "humiliated" for a century and a half (pp. 153 - 55, 185 - 87). Shirk clearly explains that Chinese communist power has two faces. China wants to be seen as behaving responsibly to foster economic growth and social stability (pp. 105 - 139). Shirk correctly states that actions rather than words will make it more credible. Establishing this reputation requires China to accommodate its neighbors, to be a team player in multinational organizations, and to use economic ties to make friends (pp. 109, 199, 223, 257 - 61).
In case of a major crisis, especially one involving Taiwan, Japan or the United States, China could show its other face by acting irresponsibly due to the absence of effective checks and balances of the Chinese system. Party leaders could recklessly play the nationalistic card again as they did with Taiwan in 1996 or with Japan in 2005 if they need to look strong domestically with other leaders, the mass public, and the military (pp. 10 -12, 43, 63, 69, 77, 139, 151, 173, 179 - 80, 186 - 90, 197, 205, 219).
The Communist Party has bet on jingoism since the 1990s because communism in China is a dying ideology in which almost no Chinese believes (pp. 11, 63 - 64, 145, 148, 164 - 70, 186). The Party implausibly claims that ordinary Chinese are unworthy of Western democracy because their country, unlike India, does not have religion to manage them responsibly (p. 53). Chinese leaders know that Chinese nationalists can turn against the Party if they appear too weak to deal with foreign pressures (pp. 61, 66, 173, 180).
Economic interdependence has had a somewhat moderating effect on the relationship of China with the outside world, including Taiwan, Japan, and the U.S. (pp. 24, 96, 145 - 46, 190, 195, 233, 241, 247). Due to their fear of widespread instability and their lack of political legitimacy, Party leaders, however, have not displayed much courage in taking unpopular measures such as enforcing intellectual property rights or stopping currency manipulation in trading abroad (pp. 26 - 27, 53 - 54, 60, 73 - 74). Chinese leaders are well aware that the increased protectionism in the U.S. against the fast-growing trade deficit with China and the rampant piracy of U.S. products in China are not politically sustainable, especially in case of a majority change in Washington in 2009 (pp. 25 - 26, 248). At the same time, Shirk correctly points out that the ongoing fiscal profligacy of the U.S. is weakening the country at the profit of China (pp. 26, 249).
Of all China's challenges, the need for "social stability" overrules all other considerations, even it means sacrificing long-term diplomatic objectives for short-term domestic political gains (pp. 38, 52 - 54, 109, 148, 183 - 87, 197, 224, 234, 254 - 55). For the Chinese communist leaders and their families, losing power could result in the loss of their possessions or even their death (pp. 7 - 9). To keep its authoritarian grip on power, the Communist Party has articulated a three-pronged policy (p. 39):
1) Avoid public leadership splits
Shirk gives a useful overview of the "selectorate," the group of Party members who have the power to choose the leaders, and the modus operandi of the Party (pp. 39 - 52). The Communist Party is not known for its openness in framing domestic and foreign policies (pp. 43 - 44). Patronage is essential for keeping the Party in power, which feeds an endemic corruption from which many communist bigwigs enrich themselves at the expense of ordinary Chinese (pp. 60, 68 - 69). Party leaders learn from the Tiananmen fiasco that destabilizing internal dissent can undermine the Party's grip on power (pp. 48, 53, 162). Keeping elite contests for power hidden from the public is increasingly difficult as the audience-driven media are testing the limits on what can be reported (pp. 39, 50, 52, 55, 78, 183). Although China is a still a long way from having free mass media, resourceful Chinese increasingly give the Communist Party a hard time for censoring "undesirable news (pp. 82 - 83)."
2) Prevent large-scale social unrest
Shirk demonstrates with conviction that Communist China's obsession with internal stability paradoxically makes the Party very sensitive to public opinion due to the lack of any democratic institution to allow ordinary Chinese to express themselves peacefully (pp. 52 - 53, 66). Shirk overviews with mastery the multiple possible threats to one-party-rule and which means the Party uses to either neutralize or reduce these threats (pp. 52 - 69). Paradoxically, the more developed and rich China becomes, the more insecure and threatened Communist Party leaders feel (p. 5).
3) Keep the People's Liberation Army on the side of the Party
Unlike their predecessors, Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, Communist Party leaders Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao are less politically secure and have a greater need to keep the military satisfied to safeguard them from domestic rebellion (pp. 46, 73, 77, 158 - 60, 202). Communist Party leaders seem to have a harder time saying no to the military demands for weaponry buildups and aggressive policies (pp. 70, 75 - 76, 222 - 23). The senior leadership of the PLA uses the Taiwan issue as the paramount factor for getting more "toys" approved (p. 74). By covering foreign policy, audience-driven media are making it harder for Communist Party leaders not to treat foreign policy as domestic politics (pp. 78 - 104, 140 - 254). Furthermore, history is not on the side of China because rising powers are likely to provoke war (pp. 4, 9 - 10, 210 - 11, 219, 243 - 45, 261 - 69). All of these factors undermine the credibility of the "peaceful rise" that Jintao - Wen Jiabao have promoted since 2002 (pp. 108 - 09, 252).
To summarize, China's behavior cannot be correctly understood without a proper grasp of the tectonic forces that have molded the country's history, geography, and culture.
China: Fragile Superpower: How China's Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise Overview

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The Black Bats: CIA Spy Flights over China from Taiwan 1951-1969 Review

The Black Bats: CIA Spy Flights over China from Taiwan 1951-1969
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The Black Bats: CIA Spy Flights over China from Taiwan 1951-1969 ReviewAuthor Chris Pocock, well-known for his mastery of the story of the U-2 spyplane, must be congratulated for getting this facinating and almost totally unknown story published in English (an initial version of this story was researched, written and published in Chinese by aviation historian Clarence Fu, aka Fu Jing Ping). As the subtitle says, this is the true story of daring clandestine flights by the flight crews of the Air Force of the Republic of China, based on Taiwan, deep into the territory of their arch enemy, the Peoples Republic of China. There was clearly nothing 'cold' about this chapter of the Cold War. Many of the aircraft - CIA-supplied B-17's, P2V Neptunes, A-26's and others - from Taiwan were shot down when the Communists put up increasing effective defenses to stop the intruders. The flights by the Chinese 34th Squadron - The "Black Bats" - were conducted to infiltrate intelligence agents and paramilitary teams, to drop psychological warfare leaflets, and to collect electronic intelligence (ELINT) on China's radar systems. It's not really possible to tell which information came from Mr. Fu and what Mr. Pocock added to the earlier Chinese version, but we are very fortunate that Mr. Pocock got this book published in English. It's a great story, well told, full of important details, and facinating (and very rare) photos. Very highly recommended, if not essential reading, for those interested in the Cold War, clandestine operations, the CIA, exotically-modified aircraft (including gorgeous glossy black P-3's), and the 'war' fought between the Nationalist Chinese on Taiwan and the Chinese Communists in the 1950s and 1960s.The Black Bats: CIA Spy Flights over China from Taiwan 1951-1969 Overview

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The Generalissimo's Son: Chiang Ching-kuo and the Revolutions in China and Taiwan Review

The Generalissimo's Son: Chiang Ching-kuo and the Revolutions in China and Taiwan
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The Generalissimo's Son: Chiang Ching-kuo and the Revolutions in China and Taiwan ReviewThis is a very important introduction for the West of a remarkable,
and still little understood, Chinese leader.
If Chiang Ching-kuo
(CCK) had survived to lead a unified China, he would be one of the few
non-Westerners who would be extensively written by Western scholars.
(The "twentieth" century, a name that itself implies a
Western perspective on history and time, is of course a history of the
West's triumph over other civilizations. Consequently contemporary
society remembers little of the other great civilizations that have
contributed to the human experience: the Arabic Islamic, the Chinese
(or Sinitic), the Indian, to name the few obvious ones. But I
digress.) Had his father not been the great but tragic Chiang
Kai-shek, whose influence on modern China will forever overshadow his,
CCK would be even more respected in his own right. Had he been
educated in English (the most influential language in the past
century) and lived in a country that was able to engage with the rest
of the world, such as Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew, he would have been
able to let his own views be better known throughout the world, and
thereby improve his chances of a favorable historical review. CCK had
none of that. By the time he reached the pinnacle of power, his arena
was not great and ancient China, but tiny Taiwan, isolated and
ostracized by the rest of the world, and beholden to a far-away
country (the US) which, though arguably well intentioned, was also
quick to sacrifice its interests for geopolitical needs. CCK will
probably never command the attention accorded to a Mao, a Deng, a
Chiang Kai-shek or even a Lee Kuan Yew. Yet to the extent that
Taiwan's separation from the mainland is temporary, CCK's legacy may
yet positively impact the fate of one quarter of humanity.
The
book's greatest strength is its objectivity. The author did not start
by writing a laudatory biography of CCK. Indeed the author does not
disguise any of the Kuomintang's and CCK's cruel misdeeds and follies.
However, in the end the author assesses the man and paints a largely
favorable picture. This is important, for it is a very human picture,
unlike the almost saint-like quality created by CCK's more ardent
supporters, nor the dismissive cold shoulder given by the opposition
("CCK only did this because the Americans forced him to; CCK did
this only for the KMT's own surivival."). Readers will
appreciate the author's description of CCK's Russian experience, which
molded his character, his philosophy and his methods. His struggle
with the KMT right wing is little understood even by many Taiwanese
today, who mistakenly believed that he could have democraticized
Taiwan much earlier without bloodshed. The roles of the United
States, which was not always a true friend, and the Chinese
communists, which was not necessarily always an enemy, are portrayed
in a balanced manner. We learn that, long before Washington broke off
ties with Taipei, CCK had calmly prepared for Taipei's isolation and
its eventual reckoning (reconciliation?) with the mainland. A true
Chinese republic, the first in our history, came of age under his
stewardship. Unlike his father, who wanted to re-create an ancient
China on Taiwan, and unlike his successors, who now want to separate
artificially Taiwan's undeniable links with Chinese civilization, CCK
led a Taiwan that became Chinese ("became" because it first
had to rid itself of 50 years of Japanese colonial influence) but also
unique, modern and, later, democratic. James Soong, one of CCK's
better lieutenants, once commented that if the Republic of China were
to succeed, it needed to be "more Chinese than the Chinese
communists and more Taiwanese than the Taiwanese independence
advocates." CCK knew that Taiwan could be both. For the last
decade in which he led, Taiwan accomplished just that. When future
scholars examine the years from 1949 through 1990, they may conclude
that Taiwan's scholastic and literary contribution to the Chinese
speaking world was disproportionately large relative to its
size.
The book has minor deficiencies. Perhaps to retain the
attention of the average Western reader, the author skips much detail
in describing various important events, leaving the serious reader
craving for more. The book attempts to, but does not convincingly
answer, many important questions surrounding CCK: How did he reject
communism after starting out as a staunch bolshevik in Russia? Was he
a closet communist? What were his true views about the Americans?
Did he truly desire unification, or was he waiting for a moment for
independence? The conventional wisdom is that he was a staunch
patriot, that he desired unification, and that he never truly believed
that the Americans could be trusted. CCK was also capable of
incredible cruelty, and perhaps more should have been devoted to this
dark side of Taiwan's development, which will remain a blemish on an
otherwise favorable record (the author contends, however, that CCK was
not chiefly responsible for much of the "white terror", a
view shared by many). Like all good works on Chinese issues, the book
should have included a map of China and Taiwan, and a glossary of
Chinese characters.
One hopes that this work will invite more
scholarship on CCK and this important period in history. When CCK
died in 1988, it was still difficult to fully assess his legacy.
Twelve years have passed. While still short by historical standards,
one can already safely say that he was one of the greatest Chinese
statesmen of the last century.
Those who lived in Taiwan during the
CCK years saw a time of unprecedented economic opportunity and greater
political participation. For those whose families came from the
mainland, it was also a land where traditional Chinese culture could
continue even as it was being systematically destroyed on the mainland
(it has only recently been rehabilitated). For those who lived
through that era, CCK's historical assessment is no longer important.
He was the man who symbolized peace, stability, security and
prosperity. He will be fondly remembered.
The Generalissimo's Son: Chiang Ching-kuo and the Revolutions in China and Taiwan Overview

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Michelin Green Guide Taiwan (Green Guide/Michelin) Review

Michelin Green Guide Taiwan (Green Guide/Michelin)
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Michelin Green Guide Taiwan (Green Guide/Michelin) Review
This pocket travel guide to Taiwan is fairly good, but not excellent.
It's information is pretty much accurate and updated. It's very informative in the aspects of etiquette, which is seldom seen in other travel guides to Taiwan.
Taiwan is a very diversified island, and in this sense this pocket guide omits a lot info. It's somewhat unenviable in all pocket or compact travel guide. The good thing is that the info left in it pretty much match what local Taiwanese people feel about their island.
It's still a good one. Especially for traveler who only want to stay in each of Taiwanese City for just few days, it could be useful because most key info provided and not overwhelming traveler's mind.
One important thing, it doesn't explain very clearly about how to take public and private transportation in Taiwanese cities in general or in each city or between cities. All who want to visit Taiwan may have the need for the more clear and detailed sources somewhere else.
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Taiwan: The Bradt Travel Guide Review

Taiwan: The Bradt Travel Guide
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Taiwan: The Bradt Travel Guide ReviewI've read several Taiwan travel guides (I lived in Taiwan for 10 years), and quite enjoyed the old Lonely Planet ones written by Robert Storey, but nowadays your best bet for a Taiwan guide is this one, written by journalist and author Steven Crook, an Englishman with nearly two decades experience on the island formerly known as Formosa.
The text in this book crackles with fine writing and intriguing bits of information. The history section, especially, shines brightly, shunning generic treatment and diving down deep to haul up some absorbing obscure facts. The history segment (and others) helps the guidebook do what a good guidebook should: engage the reader while whetting their appetite to explore further, to learn more.
The Tainan section (Tainan is a city in southern Taiwan) also sparkles, but then you'd expect it to. The author wrote a nifty little book called Keeping Up With the War God which describes the metropolis and its folk religion traditions. In fact, the author lives in Tainan, but there is nothing stale in the presentation of the former capital; the writer's love for the quirky burg is perceptible and enduring, and as someone who spent nearly all his Taiwan time in Taipei, I found this section quite edifying.
Crook is also a passionate outdoorsman, and those keen to get out of the concrete and neon of the lowlands will appreciate data on sanity-restoring, fresh-air sojourns into the island's green zone. Anyone planning on hiking Taiwan's Yushan or Snow Mountain, for example, will find heaps of sustaining advice and detail.
Many guidebooks have gone cookie-cutter, but if this one is any indication of the quality of others, I'm going to make a note to check out Bradt in the future. In addition to being a good guidebook, it's a good read. Five stars. You couldn't ask for better.
Troy Parfitt, author Why China Will Never Rule the World
Taiwan: The Bradt Travel Guide Overview

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Lonely Planet Taiwan (Country Travel Guide) Review

Lonely Planet Taiwan (Country Travel Guide)
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Lonely Planet Taiwan (Country Travel Guide) ReviewI have relied on Lonely Planet guides and phrase books to help me through India, Europe, Japan, and the USA and have had nothing but good experience with them up until this new release of the Taiwan travel guide.
First off the strong points:
- The book provides excellent places to check out.
- It has enough variety to accommodated any travelers interest.
- It is nicely laid out to find the information you are interested in with relative ease.
Now the reasons for the Two-Star Rating:-English spelling of many of the Chinese street and place names were highly inaccurate.
I know Chinese is hard to translate in English spelling, but it really through me for a loop when I arrived in Taipei expecting the street names with the book's maps spelling to line up with the actual street names. It would have been nice to have a warning that, for example, Xio, Zho, Sho are common spelling variations when translating Chinese to English.- No Chinese on the books Maps + Poor place translation = No help from Locals
It didn't help that there is no Chinese on the book's maps to asks the locals to at least point me in the right direction; and when I did ask proficient English speaking Taiwanese for directions with the books maps, they were just as confused as I was about the spellings.-Outdated prices and information.
Hotel and transportation costs were usually 30% more expensive then the books advertised price and even sometimes double than what the book said it should be in high season (and I was in Taiwan in mid-low season!). Also a few of the must-go-restaurants in Taipei were out of business, so be sure to call or look on-line to make sure places are still Open.
-Outdated Public Transportation Routes
Most of the bus numbers it says to catch don't match up with the actually numbers in Taiwan. Some of the places where the book states there is only two to three trains a day I found completely False. On multiple occasions I found trains were available all day long. So be sure to ask the train station first before ruling out that it is not possible for you to go somewhere.
-Maps can be confusing
Since you cannot rely on the spelling of street names I wish they included more landmark buildings such as police stations or posts offices to better your bearings on an area.What makes me so upset is that I pre-ordered this book from Lonely Planet so I could have the most up to date information and get the most out of my trip. Instead I had to constantly worry about all the small things this book should have solved for me. Multiple times a day it set me back. If you are heading to Taiwan I would recommended getting this book only to get ideas of natural wonders or temples you may be interested in visiting. Since the prices are not accurately reflected in this edition, all older editions should have the same basic information as well. If you happen to fly into Taoyuan Internationale Airport be sure to stop by the Information counter which has wonderful maps of both Taiwan and Taipei in both English and Chinese as well as other information. I found these free materials to be more worthy then this book. I still have faith in Lonely Planet, However, do not rely on this New Taiwan Edition to get you through the country smoothly. Edit August 22, 2011:
This is the only book I felt compelled enough to write a review about because of how much it failed to guide me. After recently travelling Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos with Lonely Planet and having no problems with any of them I have decided to downgrade my previous rating of two stars down to one. Taiwan might be a fast changing place, but this book should have little excuse. Why buy an outdated and inaccurate book when you could get up-to-date higher quality literature for free at the airport?
Lonely Planet Taiwan (Country Travel Guide) Overview

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